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While more than 10% of the widows in Moss lived alone, in both Helsinki and Lichfield this was much rarer. 52 The numbers of single person households have been artificially inflated in censuses by using biological relationship as a household boundary. The levels of co-residence with kin were higher than the table indicates, as many widows lived both with children and relative often a mother or sister. Some had moved back into their parental household after becoming widowed. In Lichfield one third of the widows who lived with unmarried children also had a grandchild in the household.
19 Paolo Viazzo and Dionigi Albera, “The Peasant Family in Northern Italy 1750–1930”, Journal of Family History, 15: 4 (1990), 461–482 (466–467). 20 Richard Wall, “Elderly Widows and Widowers and their Co-residence in Late 19th and Early 20th Century England and Wales”, The History of the Family, 7: 2 (2002), 139–155 (143). 30 Moring widows were in their 50s or 60s which of course partly explains the high coresidence rates with married rather than unmarried children. It is fairly interesting to notice that considerable variation in age distribution among the widows can be observed.
Thompson(Cambridge, 1976), 328–360 (334–335, 352, 356); Margaret Spufford, Contrasting Communities, English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1974), 112–115. 34 Moring In 19th-century Scandinavia the choice could be between working as an in-living servant or living as lodgers. If a croft or a cottage was acquired, kin collaboration was practiced when possible. However, their economic or employment situation could pose restrictions on the ability to care for family members or have the means to do so.