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By Robert Jervis, Jack Snyder
Fearing the lack of Korea and Vietnam may spark off a sequence response of alternative international locations turning communist, the us fought significant wars within the hinterlands of Asia. What bills for such exaggerated alarm, and what have been its effects? Is a terror of the domino influence completely rooted within the American strategic psyche, or has the U.S. now followed a much less alarmist technique? The essays during this publication deal with those questions by way of studying domino pondering in usa and Soviet chilly battle approach, and in past old settings. Combining concept and historical past in examining matters suitable to present public coverage, Dominoes and Bandwagons examines the level to which domino fears have been a rational reaction, a mental response, or a tactic in family politics.
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Extra resources for Dominoes and Bandwagons: Strategic Beliefs and Great Power Competition in the Eurasian Rimland
That] are of minor significance from the standpoint of the world balance of power. "35 But the criteria by which Cuba has "high strategic importance" are far from clear. 36 For, as Kennan himself sometimes recognized, defeats in the periphery could demoralize elites and the publics in areas of high intrinsic importance. , the deterrence of attacks on allies) both possible and necessary. 38 For the same reason, extended deterrence is necessary because a failure to act at the periphery menaces areas of greater intrinsic value.
18. This point is especially prevalent in Macdonald, chap. 5, and also in Jervis's chapter 2, pp. 35-36. In the conclusions, I raise questions about this finding. 19. See Macdonald in this volume, chap. 5; Robert Pollard, Economic Security and the Origins of the Cold War, 1949-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), on the selling of the Marshall Plan; Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Patterns in the Dust: Chinese-American Relations and the Recognition Controversy, 1949-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 11, on rhetorical entrapment.
34 George Kennan's argument reveals both the obvious line of rebuttal and its difficulty: "It is important to recognize that not all places ... are of equal importance. . There are some, such as Korea and Cuba, that are of high strategic importance in the sense that they affect the interest of this country and other great powers in an intimate and sensitive way. There are others . . [that] are of minor significance from the standpoint of the world balance of power. "35 But the criteria by which Cuba has "high strategic importance" are far from clear.